Assignment #11 CJ 403
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May 3, 2024
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Alan Drury
CJ 403
Assignment #11
Focused deterrence strategies direct Criminal Justice and social service attention toward a
few chronic offenders. These strategies are based on “pulling levers,” with different approaches,
some including selecting a particular crime problem, convening a working group, conducting
research to identify critical offenders, framing a response that uses a varied menu of sanctions,
targeting prevention efforts, and communicating with offenders (DeLisi, 2017, p. 201). In
Boston, Operation Ceasefire was designed to “prevent violence by reaching out directly to gangs,
saying explicitly that violence would no longer be tolerated, and backing up that message by
“pulling every lever” legally available when violence occurred” (DeLisi, 2017, p. 202). Research
shows that these focused deterrence strategies to prevent gang and group-involved violence have
generated promising results (DeLisi, 2017, p. 212). The evaluation of Operation Ceasefire found
that it was “associated with a 63% decrease in the monthly number of Boston youth homicides,”
as well as many other decreases in other gun incidents (DeLisi, 2017, p. 203).
One deterrence strategy not focused on reducing gang and gun-oriented violence is the
drug market intervention (DMI) strategy. The DMI seeks to shut down overt drug markets
entirely. DMIs in High Point, North Carolina, and Rockford, Illinois, have both proven to find
noteworthy and/or statistically significant reductions in drug, violent, and nuisance crimes in the
targeted neighborhoods (DeLisi, 2017, p. 211). Focused deterrence strategies can be best used in
a context revolving around different basic types of gangs and groups (like drug markets).
However, these strategies can be successfully applied in other jurisdictions with different
particular activities (DeLisi, 2017, p. 213). With the given evidence, these strategies could prove
to be effective for most types of offenders, there just needs to be more research done regarding
the specific type of offenders wanting to be targeted.
Some officers suggest that a “faulty judicial system acts as a turnstile by failing to
enforce preventive detention for violent crime suspects” (DeLisi, 2017, p. 226). They view the
criminal courts as ineffective: “Pretrial detention was akin to a turnstile, where suspects were
logged in and then released quickly back to the streets” (DeLisi, 2017, p. 230). These officers
often place blame for their inability to reduce crime on local prosecutors and court systems. The
judicial system proves to be loathed and generally misunderstood by police circles (DeLisi,
2017, p. 239). The criminal courts and judicial system prove to be an easy target for police
officers, providing an outlet for them to point fingers at wrongdoing, incorrect detention, and
reasoning for a broken system.
I do not share these officer’s views toward the criminal courts and judicial system. The
research done within Chapter 18 of the textbook provides much evidence for the incorrect
viewpoint often shared by law enforcement officials. Throughout the investigation in Fort
Portland, it was found that “not only was detention used for suspects arrested by police officers,
but the offense magnitude also influenced the detention decision and length of detention”
(DeLisi, 2017, p. 235). For the court system in Fort Portland, the decision to detain was primarily
influenced by the offense severity. For example, violent offense suspects were most likely to be
arrested and remain in detention for longer. Depending on offense severity, it makes sense why
officers may think of criminal courts as a revolving door. Still, when considering the accurate
evidence regarding these themes of detention, I do not share these officers’ viewpoints.
References
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